RFÉ Discuss McGeough Interview 13 August 2016

Radio Free Éireann
WBAI 99.5FM Pacifica Radio
New York City
listen on the internet: wbai.org Saturdays Noon EST 

John McDonagh (JM) and Martin Galvin (MG) discuss the reaction in the North of Ireland to Gerry McGeough’s interview on last week’s show.  (begins time stamp ~ 0:00)

Song: Henry Joy McCracken is performed by Joe Banjo Burke.

JM: (show introduction and announcement) Now if anybody was reading the newspapers there was a few stories about our guest from last week, Gerry McGeough, a lifelong Irish Republican who spent time in jails in Germany, in this country and he was a guest twenty years ago when he was out on bail before he went to jail. And some of the papers were writing about the interview we did with Gerry McGeough and here are some of the headlines:

  • McGeough’s Language Vile
  • Former Assembly Candidate Gerry McGeough Calls Catholic Judges ‘Traitors’
  • Radio Host Clarifies McGeough’s ‘Collaborator’ Threat to the Judiciary
  • Republican Claims Catholic Judiciary ‘Will Be Dealt With’
  • McGeough’s Disturbing Threats
  • McGeough’s Threat to Judges To Be Deplored
  • Hussey Condemns Disgraceful Comments

And I just got this in – now those are from the Irish Times, The News Letter in Belfast and the Belfast Telegraph and this just came in from the Irish Post, which would be considered the Irish Echo of London and England: (John reads from the Irish Post) Republican Gerry McGeough calls out ‘pathetic old Shinners’ in explosive US radio interview. Prominent Tyrone Republican Gerry McGeough is known for his strong views and when he was interviewed on WBAI New York’s Radio Free Éireann last week he didn’t hold back. (reading ends)  And they have clips to the transcript of last week’s show. We’re talking about the effect Gerry’s free speech on New York radio could be affecting his life very shortly. Charges are being filed against Gerry McGeough. There’s talk about revoking his licence. Gerry was charged and sentenced to two years under the Good Friday Agreement for being a member of the IRA in 1976. Gerry Adams will never have to worry about that charge being against him because Gerry Adams claims he was never in the IRA.

So based on an interview that Gerry McGeough gave in New York he is being brought up on charges and Martin, you were brought onto BBC Ulster. You did a radio show to talk about the interview but what exactly is happening for Gerry McGeough and how serious now are the charges that are being brought against him based on an interview he did here in New York?

MG:  John, first of all: Charges are not being filed, should not be filed and hopefully will not be filed. What happened is that a number of people, particularly – that song we played at the beginning about Henry Joy McCracken – that goes out to The Belfast News Letter. The Belfast News Letter is one of the daily newspapers in the North of Ireland, particularly in Belfast. It would be considered a hardline, unionist, Orange paper as compared with the much more moderate unionist paper – which is still fairly hardline to some of our viewpoints – the Belfast Telegraph. And of course there’s a Nationalist paper, the Irish News.  The founding family of that paper, The News Letter, was the Joy Family and if you listened to that song, Henry Joy McCracken – Henry Joy McCracken was a member of that family – the famous Joy Family – and his family was involved with founding the newspaper and Henry Joy McCracken was a great Irish patriot. That connection, that political affiliation, has changed very greatly down the years. So now we have the paper, The News Letter, which is very hardline in terms of Orange sentiments which would probably not complain if sentiments of a similar nature were introduced or put forward by Orange spokesmen at bonfires or marches such as that happening in Doire today at the Apprentice Boys.

Alright. They picked up Gerry McGeough’s interview. They took one line out of that interview and used that to try and say that he was threatening Catholic members, Nationalist members of the judiciary or of lawyers. And that was completely nonsense, completely untrue, completely inaccurate. Listeners will have heard Gerry McGeough’s interview last week. If you didn’t hear it it’s up on rfe123.org – that’s rfe123.org. And I want to congratulate our transcriber. That transcriber, I can’t say he or she because that person is completely anonymous, has done a tremendous job. You not only can listen to and read that transcript in writing but you can play a radio interview that I got stuck doing for BBC Talkback last week about Gerry McGeough. And what they did is: Gerry McGeough, during a twenty minute interview, he was talking about Brexit, the British attempting to withdraw from the European Community, and the devastating effects that that would have on Ireland. He was talking about Tyrone, his own county – the fact that six of the nine counties of Ulster are cut off and they’re denied their rightful place, as set forth in 1916 and elsewhere, to be part of a free and independent thirty-two county Irish nation that governs Ireland and Irish interests rather than British interests from London at Westminster – and he talked about that. He talked about praise for new movements, in effect, a new wave that was shown with the vote on Brexit – that was shown in terms of ‘a stirring’, a yearning, for national freedom. He talked about the example in Scotland. He said if Scotland moves towards independence that would be a further inspiration for political change and getting back to a united Ireland. He talked about all those things and in it he talked about his own political case. Now Gerry McGeough was charged in 1981 – sorry – for an incident that happened in 1981. He was arrested in 2007 after a political campaign in which he had expressed opposition to support for the re-named Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) – the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). He expressed opposition to a situation in which Diplock courts were going to be used and which people would give credibility – from Nationalists who would give credibility – to these courts and not consider – try to use them for justice – to really abolish Diplock courts – the non-jury courts.

And he talked about the attitudes of some people who get positions within those courts – and when Gerry McGeough was on trial for something that happened in 1981 when he was brought to trial just a few years ago – so many years later – he said there was an attitude that people who opposed British rule were somehow of ‘bad character’ – they were looked down upon, that they were somehow of ‘bad character’ that’s the phrase they used. And meanwhile, there is an administration which people involved, as we mentioned in that BBC Talkback radio programme, were involved in the same campaign – had leading roles in that campaign – people who, Gerry and I, we would agree and say that that campaigned, which ended so long ago before the Good Friday Agreement, was a legitimate campaign, a legitimate fight for freedom but the conditions that would make conflict legitimate today no longer exist – haven’t existed for some time. And Gerry simply said that they are serving English interests, that he differentiated between what was happening – Unionists, living in the North of Ireland – and English interests at Westminster – a government that serves English interests at Westminster. That was completely taken out of context. Those words were deliberately misconstrued by people who never wanted to see Gerry get out of jail in the first place – who were against him getting any sort of justice or free speech or views or running for election or anything like that. People like Nelson McCausland who would be associated – you know we heard Seamus Delaney talk about the type of bigotry – and when he’s around the Orange bonfires or demonstrations on July the Twelfth or hearing today – at the Apprentice Boys in Doire. Nelson McCausland is a member of the DUP (Democratic Unionist Party) – Ian Paisley’s – the party that he founded which would be very much associated with The Belfast News Letter, very much associated with that sort of ideology – and they pulled that and tried to say that Gerry McGeough was somehow involved with threatening people and that is not true. And that is definitely wrong. And we hope that there will be no charges – no lifting of his licence because it was totally unjust, untrue, inaccurate.

JM:  But was something filed? I mean in the lawyer’s statement there – in the very beginning…

MG: …Oh, what has happened is: There is an existing appeal against Gerry’s old conviction. And what his solicitor Aiden Carlin says is that:

Our client stood for election in 2007 on a manifesto for freedom, justice and peace. The interviews he gave to a United States radio station should be listened to in its entirety. They cover a plurality of subjects including Irish and Scottish history, poetry, prison memories, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, 9/11 and Brexit. Our client has always maintained his innocence and is working closely with his lawyers to assist.

So they’re trying to appeal that and then all of a sudden, all of a sudden, these articles, hysterical articles, appear in The Belfast News Letter. Now, I don’t know too many articles in The Belfast News Letter which would be worried about Nationalist members of the judiciary or Nationalist lawyers – and these articles were brought up just to have an improper, unfair manipulation, misconstruction of Gerry McGeough’s words and try and bring charges against him and take away his licence. He’s out on licence for that earlier case and they could do that very easily and do it without any real justice.

JM: But Martin, this is all part of the British strategy that they’ve brought in: If you’re against the peace process and did time in Long Kesh – you do not get a visa. If you support Gerry Adams – no matter how much time you did in jail – you get a visa. Now bail restrictions on Republicans getting out of jail – they can’t do interviews or associate with other Republicans and speech is taken very seriously in the Six Counties. And Martin, you were a victim of that. You gave a speech, I believe, in County Tyrone and Margaret Thatcher banned you from going to that part of Ireland.

MG:  Well actually I gave the speech for somebody else – one of Henry Joy McCracken’s fellow Republican leaders in 1798 – they were unveiling a memorial to Roddy McCorley and I happened to be driving through the area with Danny Morrison – and we were there, we came over and they asked us to say a few words so I gave a speech. And it was the night after attending a funeral for somebody, a Republican killed in Doire, a member of the English Family – two young members of that family were killed in separate incidents. And I know the father, I met him, and I went to pay my respects at the funeral. And coming back we were asked to give a short speech. So that was fine, that was at one point – I believe it was in April because I was over for an Easter commemoration in Tyrone. Months later when I was intending to lead a tour back to the North of Ireland in August of 1984 all of a sudden Peter Robinson and the DUP said I should be banned because of the speech I gave months before. And of course I was banned at that time and when I was invited by Republicans to attend a rally in Belfast in 1984 – and John, you were at that rally. The rally was attacked; we just were involved in civil disobedience. One young man, John Downes, was killed. The RUC drove into that rally, fired plastic bullets, attacked people, drove in with Land Rovers, killed John Downes. And this year when they’re having the Internment Day rally it actually started from the spot where John Downes was killed but that’s how serious they take it. We’re concerned – Gerry McGeough – his real problem is that he stood up, he said basically that the Stormont deal, in terms of a united Ireland which we were promised, is not working. Even the other day, Unionist politicians who would not attend the funeral of Bishop Daly who was a man of peace – very highly respected – and again, there’s epithets, there are sorry initiatives, there are apologies, working together in Stormont to do away with the injustices – all of those things – the outreach, the reconciliation, that is supposed to, or was supposed to, get Unionists to support a united Ireland or feel at home in a united Ireland – none of that has happened and what Gerry McGeough was saying it’s getting more Nationalists comfortable or saying that British rule is not so bad for me.

JM: (station identification) and good thing…

MG: …But – that’s not to say that they should be, in any way, under threat expect politically – we want to work towards a united Ireland.

JM: And why do you have to clarify that? There’s nobody listening to ‘BAI. Ooh noo…there’s nobody out there listening….

MG: John, I was asked on that BBC Radio – you know I got asked a number of questions: Could you explain what happened and how Gerry got into that? And about two lines into the explanation of that twenty minute interview it’s: Let’s get to the point! Let’s just get to these words! And over and over again. And I was asked – you know somebody said: I’m an Ulsterman. Don’t I have a right to be here? And I said: Yeah, and how about the people in Donegal or Cavan or Monaghan? Don’t they have a right, as Ulstermen, a say about the future of their country? Or people from the Twenty-six Counties? Why should you get a veto on having One Ireland One Vote? Things like that? They shock people! And then I said: Yeah – if Gerry McGeough knew how badly his words would be misconstrued and taken out of context – and Gerry McGeough’s words wouldn’t have ‘gotten’ to anybody who was a Nationalist or the audience, if they were afraid about threatening members of the judiciary with a political movement to a united Ireland, except it was carried in The News Letter over and over again except it’s been carried in papers since.

What I said was: If he knew how badly his words would be deliberately misconstrued, deliberately misused and used to claim that he was saying something about some kind of threat when all he was talking about was working politically for a united Ireland, certainly something he had every right to do, he would have changed those words and not given them the opportunity.

JM: So there we are trying to clarify what happened last weekend. You wouldn’t believe the amount of coverage over in Ireland this got – from Dublin to Belfast and now over to London. And it just shows you the value of this station. (ends time stamp ~ 18:54)

Press Release: McGeough Legal 10 August 2016

PRESS RELEASE
STATEMENT FROM LAWYERS OF GERRY MCGEOUGH

Lawyers for high-profile Republican Gerry McGeough have confirmed that an application to the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) has been accepted and is under active investigation.

Solicitor Aiden Carlin explained: “If successful this case will be referred back to the Court of Appeal in Belfast. To that end we are instructed to make a plea for responsible and accurate media reporting. In recent days there have been a number of misleading articles which contain significant inaccuracies about a United States radio interview our client gave last weekend.”

Aiden Carlin Solicitor continued: “Contrary to press standards, no journalist contacted Gerry McGeough requesting his comments on the interview before reporting on it. Instead, articles have been published in newspapers and online which are not based on the facts. By way of example, Maurice Morrow MLA stated in a press release ‘it should be noted at no time he had the courage to take the stand himself.’ The truth is Gerry McGeough and the late William Plum Smith both give evidence during his Crown Court trial in support of an abuse of process application by the defence. Questions remain unanswered as to why none of the six Judges here who heard evidence and made rulings on various aspects of our client’s case received the ‘On The Runs’ material made public through John Downey’s case. Instead calls for full disclosure by Gerry McGeough’s defence were met with silence from the NIO, PPS, PSNI and Sinn Fein.”

Solicitor Aiden Carlin concluded: “Our client stood for election in 2007 on a manifesto for freedom, justice and peace. He instructs that the interview he gave to a United States radio station should be listened to in its entirety. The interview covers a plurality of subjects including Irish and Scottish history, poetry and prison memories, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, 9/11and Brexit. Our client has always maintained his innocence and is working closely with his lawyers to assist the CCRC’s investigation.”

Carlin Solicitors
2 Church Lane
Belfast
BT1 4QN

Tel: 028 90 434464 | Fax: 028 90 434282 | 07472 800030

Gerry McGeough RFÉ 6 August 2016

–>Radio Free Éireann<–
WBAI 99.5 FM Pacifica Radio
New York City
listen on the internet:  wbai.org    Saturdays Noon EST

Martin Galvin (MG) talks to Gerry McGeough (GM) via telephone from Co. Tyrone about Óglach Liam Ryan. (begins time stamp ~ 48:20 in first hour)

–>Radio Free Éireann<– This heading title line is usually hyperlinked to the entire show on the WBAI archive page. As this week’s show was a two hour fund raising special and Gerry McGeough’s interview began in the first hour and ended in the second hour there are two ‘entire show’ links. The first hour is here.  The second hour is here.  Gerry’s interview is on the player below. Enjoy!

MG: We have Gerry – we’ve never introduced him as a poet before but after that poem was read by Una McGeough we have to introduce Gerry as a poet. Gerry, how was that poem that we just heard so eloquently read by Una, your daughter, how did you happen to compose that poem about Liam Ryan?

GM: Yeah, well…first of all: Hello! Martin and John and everyone there. I didn’t actually hear the poem being read out but I heard it earlier on the DVD and so forth. Yeah, that particular time that Liam was assassinated by the British forces I find myself in high isolation in a prison in Germany, it was then West Germany, in 1989. And I remember a news piece had come across, whether it was on German radio I can’t remember, but it just said someone had been assassinated, two people killed in the location of East Tyrone and so on and so forth. They didn’t give any names. And yet, I instinctively knew that, and don’t ask me how I knew this but I did know, I sensed in any case that this was Liam, and I immediately wrote a little piece, a condolence piece if you like, for the An Phoblacht/Republican News. At that time the Republican Movement was one sort of big, happy family before it’s now fragmented into absolutely nothing worth talking about but then it had a sense of mission, a sense of purpose and a great sense of solidarity and of course, like all of us, I was a member of the Republican Movement. And I wrote and mentioned Liam’s name without any facts to back it up but as it transpired it was him and the letter eventually made its way to Dublin and it was published in a subsequent edition of the Republican News/An Phoblacht. And I suppose in the course of the next few weeks and whatnot and being as I was in isolation, I had no outside stimulus, no one to talk to or anything of that nature, I started thinking about the past quite a bit and this poem germinated in that sense and it just came out so it was a reference to all the men, the Volunteers of Tyrone and so on, and it really was a heartfelt piece of poetry I suppose – so that’s, essentially, how it came about. And you know it’s remarkable when you stop and think of it and if you read the list of honour, the roll of honour and so on – the heroism of men and women, not just in Tyrone and not just across the Six Counties, but right across from the island of Ireland and the Irish people in general who gave their lives – some of them obviously in the central theater of the war, which was in The North, but others overseas, like in Gibraltar and elsewhere and England and whatnot who died, who were killed in action, fighting for an independent Ireland.

And I feel such a terrible sense of betrayal now that after all that sacrifice, after all that endurance and all that death what have we ended up with? You know? I mean it just beggers belief and I don’t think…there are more and more Republicans here in The North, particularly here in East Tyrone, who have come round to our way of thinking that we have basically been sold a pup and the Sinn Féin leadership stands indicted for their betrayal of the sacrifice and the struggle. An they use most of their energy, when they’re not sucking up to the English or the Unionists, most of their energy denigrating old comrades and all of us here on this radio station speaking right now have been through the mill in that regard and it would fit them better if they just moved over and let other politicians and other politically active people take the helm I think at this point in time.

MG: Gerry, before we heard your daughter, Una, recite that poem we had a clip from Brian Arthurs on the DVD. And in it he talked about, well first of all he talked about how when Liam was assassinated the British Army, members of the locally recruited Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), the Royal Irish Regiment (RIR) has scouted the area, sealed it off, sealed the lakes, sealed the roadway and monitored and committed the assassination. But he said that when they couldn’t get at Volunteers they would do the same thing and assassinate family members and he mentions specifically Roseann Mallon, he mentions specifically members of The McKearney Family, he mentions specifically members of the Fox Family – now those are all people, families, who are in the same area of Tyrone that you are and they all lost family members, older family members, who were simply assassinated – that’s the case that Brian Arthurs made. How common was that that the British would not only try to attack and monitor and use their position as forces of so-called ‘law and order’ to assassinate Republican Volunteers but that they would ‘make do’ with family members in your area?

GM: Well it was very common. And of course, we have subsequently found out from archive material and from open statements by Loyalists and so on that East Tyrone and particular areas where there was a strong resistance to British rule were targeted, specifically targeted, and I suppose the assassination of the likes of Roseann Mallon, whom I knew and I know the family very well and others that you mentioned and a pregnant woman up north of Carrickmore in mid-Tyrone, what this did was it instilled a sense of terror on the one hand; it was very much a psychological operation and it was used to just to grind down the resistance of the people in a particular area. And it was very effective but there was a sense of helplessness as well because people knew that the British state was behind it – I mean anybody with an iota of sense would have seen that and as you quite rightly point out they would seal areas off – a dog couldn’t have move on the roads then all of a sudden there wasn’t a soldier or a member of the Crown forces to be found when assassination teams from Loyalist areas would move in and probably working in tandem with undercover British so yeah – that’s what happened.

And one of the interesting outcomes of that was that when the ceasefires came about and so on and so forth Adams was giving, Gerry Adams, was giving an interview to a journalist from The South of Ireland, Maol Muire Tynan, back in the 1990’s, and in the course of the interview he said nobody wants Billy Wright here – of course, the chief assassin for the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) – knocking at their back door again. He reminded people that if there was any return to conflict if you’d like that this would happen. So it was a kind of a psychological effort because people were actually were for a long, long time, years afterwards, really I suppose terrified is the best word you could use of that particular campaign – now that obviously had gone back way to the early ’70’s and so on and so forth but it had become extraordinarily intense in the last few years, certainly months, of the actual armed struggle and it was used, quite obviously, to target individual people, either active Republicans or failing that, as you mentioned, their families, to instill a sense of terror and a willingness to I suppose surrender, for want of a better term, albeit it’s called the peace process and so on and so forth.

So yeah, that was what went on and it was very common. Of course there was a de facto genocide in many respects. It was an attempt to ethnically cleanse parts of Tyrone here of Catholic Nationalists and it has happened in the past. For example, now we’re having the four hundredth anniversary of the death in exile of Hugh O’Neill very shortly and at that time, and if you read the archives you can see the British boasted, the English rather, boasted of having ‘put to the sword’ thousands of people, men, women and children from Lough Neagh to Dungannon, which is effectively East Tyrone, again as part of this terror campaign to break the Irish resistance – at that time of the Gaelic lords so really plus ça change as they say nothing much has changed.

MG: Gerry, one of the things about this DVD, about the commemoration was how you had so many people from a very small area who had been so courageous in opposing British rule. You had, for example, Pete Ryan, Liam’s cousin, who was one of the best known Irish Republican Army soldiers who lost his life. He was killed along with Lawrence McNally who was somebody else who I met around Review Place, 238th Street in the Bronx, visiting Liam – again, from that same area, was in the car with Pete. You had Liam who was, of course, assassinated. You had so many others from an area, a small area like that, family connections, friends, who were able, over so many years, to mount a such a spirited resistance and opposition to British rule in Ireland.

GM: Yes, well that’s true and that’s one of the things that the British have targeted and they saw to it that they would break that resistance – it was a long, hard grind as I said towards the end with those types of assassinations and whatnot – and that’s precisely what they have done. And now you have, you know it’s been a very psychological type of warfare this past twenty years and whatnot since the ceasefires and a whole new generation has grown up who really only rely on information that’s anecdotal as regards The Troubles and they are being so anglicised it’s quite frightening; you know, they talk about ‘here in the UK’ and ‘Londonderry’ and nonsense like that, these are, some of them, the children of Republicans. So it’s a constant struggle. The chief culprits here are the Sinn Féin people, especially their elected representatives, who have encouraged people to inform as much as possible, to even join the British forces here in The North and all the rest of it so it’s a very ambiguous programme, it creates a lot of confusion among people. And then of course anyone who speaks out finds, as I did when I stood back in 2007 on a staunch Republican ticket, they find that they are corralled off and put in prison and basically marginalised and isolated and so on and so forth. So the English rule the Nationalist population of Ireland through Sinn Féin that’s the black-and-white bottom line at this point in time.

And I was speaking to you before, I was drawing the analogy with The Highlands of Scotland – they could never control the Catholic clans up in The Highlands except through The Campbells, which were another Gaelic clan albeit a Protestant one, and they used them to keep law and order, or English law and order, in The Highlands of Scotland. They use Sinn Féin now to do the same. And under the cover you have Catholic Nationalist, people from Republican families, who are now sitting as Diplock court judges and prosecutors and all the other stuff of the day that you can’t possibly imagine and they are arrogantly passing judgment on patriots. I remember when I was on the trial, and the trial was an absolute farce – no research done whatsoever on anything – they just threw out whatever they wanted – but they used to talk about ‘bad character’ – anyone who had shown any resistance to the British was deemed to have had ‘bad character’ and everything was to be criminalised. So again you have Irish Catholics, traitors in effect, administering British rule here in the Six Counties. But I’m happy to say that things are – I do detect a stirring, I do detect a stirring and it’s very important that we focus on this because the Brexit vote, which I’m sure you’re all familiar with which is where Britain withdrew itself from, voted to leave the European Union, is starting to stir things up a little bit here.

Now I voted to get out for the simple reason is we wanted to see that the – to create the chaos that is now coming about as any good Irish Nationalist would want to do – and all the Irish Republicans that I know, except for the Sinn Féin people, all Irish Republicans voted to get out – not because they give a damn about England or Britain but because they wanted to break up the United Kingdom in order to bring about a united Ireland. The only way we’re going to get a united Ireland is to break up the United Kingdom, so-called.

And now what we’re seeing is people are starting to openly talk about border polls and all the rest of it. Why do we need a border poll? Why do we have to vote to prove anything? They just need to get the hell out of our country. They don’t belong here. They’ve no right to be here. Their presence here has been at the cost of the blood of the Irish so it’s time for them now to get out. I’m quite hopeful that this will come about but we have to see to it that mass movements get up and running here over the next say few years so that by, I would like to think January of 1919 (2019), the English would be out of our country.

And we need a united Ireland – not for The North but for the sake of The South. The South urgently needs us Northerners to take control of things because they have just gone so wishy-washy it’s beyond belief – they’ve no spark of patriotism, they’ve turned their back on their faith, everything you could possibly imagine – they’ve really no sense of Irishness worth talking about so we have to re-instill all that in them. And I would hope that we will have this debate developing something more substantial whereby there will be an outcry and a demand that we get our country back. Because in here in Tyrone, I know the English have been in Ireland since 1169 and all of the rest of it but they haven’t been in The North only since the 1600’s so in historic terms it’s relatively fresh and we want them out. We’ve had enough of them. They’ve been on our backs for too long. And then we’ll deal with all these other issues that I’ve been referring to, the collaborators and all the rest of it, but in the meantime we need to get our country re-united and we need to get the English out of here – they’ve no right to be here. So hopefully we may see Scotland making some attempt to seek independence and that really is our cue.

MG: Alright. Gerry, we’re – are you still with us?

GM: Yes, of course.

MG: Gerry, sorry – Jim Sullivan’s going to ask you a question.

Jim: Alright Gerry, I just want to say: I’ll be over in a little more than a month to see you and Maria and the kids.

GM: Well, we look forward to it!

MG: (quips) See, Jim wanted to save the phone call expense.

Jim: Yeah – this is cheaper for me. As you know, they don’t make pockets in kilts.

GM: And the Ancient Order of Hibernains in Tyrone have something special (crosstalk)(inaudible) the Hugh O’Neill Medallion, one of which is being reserved for the Hibernians, members of the AOH who died as firemen in the line of duty on 9/11, fifteen years ago. So we look forward to presenting that to you, Jim, when you do get here which you can bring back to the United States as a mark of our respect for our fellow AOH members who died on that fateful day fifteen years ago.

Jim: Alright. Thank you, Gerry.

MG: Gerry, we’re pitching today. We’re asking people to show support for us so that we can show this programme has support in the Irish community. We’re asking that people will call (provides phone number). I have to use you as an example. I know when we were working on the Gerry McGeough Family Defence Fund – when you were arrested in 2007 and ultimately you went to prison in Maghaberry – we were able to use WBAI to support you. I know you have been on, both before you were imprisoned and afterwards, to talk about that. You were when, going back, you were around on different issues…

GM: …I can say, Martin, absolutely I fully and wholly, totally endorse Radio Free Éireann and WBAI. And I would encourage everyone to dig deep and help keep this station on air because it is vital, absolutely vital that we have access to what is effectively, thanks to social media now as a global mechanism, whereby we can get the voice of true Irishness, true Irish Republicanism, out and about and across the world and of course right back here to The North because there’s no really other outlet to say what we have to say. And yes, absolutely! We must keep this station on air so I would absolutely encourage everyone to do everything in their power, to be as generous as possible on this fund raising occasion and do help out. Keep Radio Free Éireann, keep WBAI on air. And I know all you guys, all the voluntary work that you do, deserves credit and we acknowledge that and I ask people to do their bit. It’s really part of a wider effort now because, as I said, we’re moving into a new stage whereby there is a strong possibility now that we can see political movement – if it’s properly harnessed and the right energy goes into it and the right thinking goes into it – and we get rid of these pathetic old Shinners who are just so sad it’s not funny and let’s get patriots back in the saddle again and we need WBAI to be part of the voice of that new Ireland that is coming up.

MG: Alright. We’ve been talking with Gerry McGeough. Gerry, we want to thank you. (ends time stamp ~ 6:16 in the second hour)